JPG Magazine: Stories: Photo Essay: The Myth of People Power.

Photo Essay

The Myth of People Power.

By Carl Kuntze

16 July 2008

THE PEOPLES POWER MYTH

Carl Kuntze

EDSA was once known as Highway 51, and was the quckest way to get from one

district in Rizal Province to the next. Until they were absorbed into Metro Manila, these dis-

tricts were autonomous municipalities.Pasay City, Makati, Pasig. Quezon City, Kamuning,

and Caloocan. The name was changed to Epifanio De Los Santos Avenue (EDSA) after a

town councilman in the mid60's , when colonial designations were being changed to local

heros and politicians. The country was becoming defensive about its independence.

EDSA I became a metaphor for the deposement of a dictator.

"Peoples Power" was celebrated around the world as a bloodless revolution. While

the story unfolded "in plain sight," the events were misinterpreted and romanticized by the

international media as a popular demonstration to restore democracy. It was actually a

military coup engineered by then Defense Minister Juan Ponce-Enrile, who dragged

General Fidel Ramos with him. Motives were as convuluted as a Robert Ludlom novel.

Enrile never intended to defect. He was forced to out of fear for his life. Ramos had

been promised the promotion of Chief of Staff, a position Gen. Fabian Ver held. Marcos

wanted to "promote" Ver to a lower profile job of "Personal Adviser to The President," be-

cause of strong suspicions about his role in the assassination of Senator Benigno Aquino.

But Ver was reluctant to relinquish power, to accept a strictly ceremonial position. So, the

vacillating Marcos "promoted" then demoted Ramos several times building smouldering re-

sentment. Unable to go out in the streets to campaign, Marcos enlisted the TV screen for

continuing allday broadcasts, a miscalculation. Heavily medicated, he rambled incessantly

like a senile old man, which made even his staunch supporters uneasy. An assassination

plot was uncovered in the palace, a dramatic incident played out on the airwaves. It was a

clumsy attempt by three puny soldiers, who were quickly overpowered and paraded in

front of TV cameras, where they confessed to the public. While they didn't implicate Enrile,

military branches were under the Department of Defense jurisdiction, and Marcos held him

responsible, ordering his arrest. Enrile was in The Embarcadero Coffee Shop at The

Atrium in Makati for his customary coffee break, confering with his friends when Jose Flo-

res, who acted as his public affairs officer handed him a note. It was a warning from an ally at

the palace of his impending arrest. Enrile gathered up his papers and excused himself.

Although he had nothing to do with the plot, he was apprehensive about the president's

growing paranoid vindictiveness. He phoned Ramos and confided his intention to mutiny,

inviting the general to join him. The pair barricaded themselves in Camp Aguinaldo, en-

circled by loyal soldiers. A third protagonist was about to enter the picture: Cardinal Sin.

Reporters from Veritas, The Catholic radio station, apprised him of what was happening.

The Cardinal, like Richlieu, The French Prelate of Louis XIII, during the 17th century, seized

the moment to exercize his influence, and instructed his flock over the radio to surround

Camp Aguinaldo to protect the mutineers. While the pair had designed to take over the

reins from Marcos themselves, they were maneuvered into the "noble " posture of

penitents defending free elections. Cardinal Sin's own motives were not similarly "pure."

His dispute with Marcos originated when a revenue starved government wanted to tax

church investments. The Philippine Catholc Church had part-ownerships in banks, distil-

leries, real estate, etc. and stocks in major companies. Marcos wanted to make a distinction

between nonprofit enterprises (Hospitals, schools, churches, charities) from income from

secular sources. The "people" served as human shields, but to this day, they do not benefit

from any change in government, whether autocratic or elective.

While skeptical television viewers were convinced they were being presented with a

contrived drama, the assassination attempt on Marcos was real. Just who the instigators of

the plot were was never established. Speculation pointed to RAM (Reformed Army

Movement), young middle level officers led by Colonel Gregorio Honasan, whose

was nicknamed "Gringo" because of his fair complexion and Caucasian appearance. RAM

never admitted complicity even after the furor died down. Nothing was ever mentioned as

to what happened to the captive suspects,who were probably quietly released. The now it

can be told revelations, historical revisions spewed out of the main characters of the drama.

The subsequent prevarications became the source for later reports. The myth of a blood-

less revolution persists to this day.

These are not extractions from any secret files, but from published accounts in the

local press, ignored by the major international media primarily interested in the big picture. I

was also watching TV until it went briefly off the air after the already powerless Marcos

threatened to reinstate Martial Law, a threat greeted with great hilarity.

The narcissistic observance of "Peoples Power EDSA I" is a sop to the population

to give them the impression that they catalyzed change by boisterous rioting in the streets.

The second demonstration "EDSA II" to oust the previous President Joseph Estrada also

succeeded because the top military heirarchy once again shifted their allegiance, this time, to

his vice president, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Estrada did not distribute graft as equitably as

they would like. For any insurrection to succeed support had to come from the upper eche-

lons, the oligarchs, the church, and the business community.Even middle level rebellions

such as RAM were doomed to failure. The aborted Oakwood mutiny was an example.

May 10th, 2004was election day once again. Earlier, there were six candidates contending,

one of whom, an actor (Like Estrada), but unlike Estrada, with no experience in public

office. Another, a preacher, ditto. The actor, Fernando Poe, Jr. had a wide movie following

who threatened to take to the streets if he was blocked from office. His opponents tried to

disqualify his candidacy by questioning his citizenship. His father, also a movie idol, was a

Spanish citizen, his mother, an American. It was a clumsy effort. Poe was native born . He

elected to spend his life in The Philippines . He practiced his profession and paid taxes

there, gratifying constitutional requirements for citizenship. The manner he handled his cam-

paign was unpromising. He did not keep track of fundraising, nor the manner they were dis-

bursed. Many times, he did not show up where he was announced. His supporters expec-

ted him to use his own money, even his private plane for campaigning. Despite the

"wealth" accumulated from his movies, he did not have enough to buy his way into the

office. The incumbent, President Glorlia Macapagal Arroyo had government facilities at her

disposal. She had an enormous advantage, not just the capacity to dispense political

favors, but Military helicopters to take her to electioneering rallies, or to disaster sites, where

she could be seen disbursing relief. Where he did show up, he frequently clashed with

media. He lost the election amid clamorous claims of vote-rigging by the incumbent. The

figures they cited where the count was dubious was is regions with sparse population.

Given the ambigious morality in most of the population, it was probable, there was

cheating in both sides, but not in abundant numbers as to change the outcome.

Fernando Poe, Jr. died of a stroke shortly after the challenged election. There were

suspicions of a Borgia-like conspiracy, and poisoning. But his licentious life style while he

was making movies was more likely the cause. Another factor, the opposition preferred to

overlook was the multiplicity of candidates. I believe there were three others left standing,

only one of whom with a decisive base, but they siphoned votes from the principal

candidates. What is surprising is that FPJ garnered the votes he did. He lost the election

by the slimmest of margins. If it was disappointment that killed him, it could have been the

betrayal he experienced from self-serviing "friends," when he enterred polictics. His sup-

porters were eating him alive.